Saturday, March 07, 2026
The Making and Unraveling of the American–Israeli Alliance
Suspicion, Integration, and Postwar Transformation
The history of Jews in the United States stretches back to the seventeenth century. Yet for much of that history, Jews were viewed with suspicion and faced various forms of discrimination. Antisemitic organizations operated openly, and social exclusion remained common well into the twentieth century.
The turning point came after World War II, which ended in 1945. Antisemitism became discredited by its association with the Nazi enemy. At the same time, Jewish participation in the U.S. armed forces brought millions of American soldiers into direct contact with Jewish fellow citizens, replacing inherited prejudice with personal familiarity. In the decades that followed, Jews became increasingly visible in American public life — culturally, academically, and politically — expressing their identity more openly than had been possible before the war.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Jewish participation was highly visible in the civil rights movement and in efforts to dismantle racial segregation. While that visibility came at a cost, as Jewish activists were targeted by white supremacists in the American South, involvement in the struggle against racism continued. Jewish voices were also prominent in opposition to the Vietnam War, to the point that U.S. President at the time, Lyndon Johnson, reportedly expressed frustration with what he perceived as strong Jewish opposition, contrasting it with support for Israel.
By the mid-1960s, American Jews were largely integrated into the fabric of American society. Yet integration alone did not automatically translate into a deep strategic bond between Washington and Jerusalem. Israel was not regarded as a close ally under either the Eisenhower or the Kennedy administrations, as both were suspicious of the former Prime Minister of Israel, Ben-Gurion, and generally maintained a cool posture toward Israel.
1967: The Strategic and Emotional Turning Point
The Six-Day War in 1967 between Israel and a coalition of Arab countries, primarily Egypt, Syria, and Jordan, marked a decisive turning point.
At a moment when the United States was mired in Vietnam and facing expanding Soviet influence in Europe and the Middle East, Israel defeated Soviet-backed Arab armies in just six days. The speed and scale of that victory reshaped perceptions in Washington. Israel was no longer viewed primarily as a vulnerable state seeking protection, but as a capable regional power that had effectively rolled back Soviet influence in the Middle East.
At the same time, 1967 transformed the emotional landscape of American Jewry. For many American Jews, the war produced a new sense of affinity and belonging to Israel. What had previously been a distant state became central to communal identity. This shift strengthened political support and deepened the sense that Israel’s fate and American Jewish identity were interconnected.
Geopolitical alignment and communal identification now reinforced one another. The alliance was anchored not only in strategic calculation, but in a broad American perception of shared interests and shared values.
Fractures Within and Beyond the Jewish Community
We are now witnessing the beginning of an erosion of this alliance. The war crimes committed by Israel in Gaza and Lebanon over the past two decades have fractured the American perception of shared culture and shared principles. The assumption of automatic moral alignment has weakened.
This fracture first became visible within parts of the American Jewish community, particularly among younger Jews, where identification with Israel is no longer as instinctive or unquestioned as it once was. From there, it has extended, and continues to extend, into broader American society, especially among younger voters.
From National Consensus to Political Polarization
On the surface, with the US and Israel waging a joint war against Iran, the alliance appears strong, but in the current war with Iran, Israel is increasingly seen as dragging the United States into conflicts that are not its own, wars that serve the interests of Israel and its hardline government. Polls indicate that only 25 percent of Americans supported the war in its early days.
In the minds of many Americans, this war has become closely associated with two political figures: Benjamin Netanyahu and Donald Trump. Both are deeply polarizing figures, particularly among younger voters, who have faced, and in different ways continue to face, corruption allegations or legal scrutiny. That association shapes how Israel itself is perceived by the people of its top supporter.
Netanyahu’s efforts to weaken judicial constraints within Israel, his reliance on far-right coalition partners, and the racist tone adopted by some members of his government sit uneasily with the democratic image that once underpinned the American–Israeli alliance. For liberal American Jews, whose communal memory includes fighting segregation, racism, and authoritarian tendencies in the 1950s and 1960s, this alignment is especially jarring.
The Narrowing Base: Christian Zionism
Perhaps the clearest sign of the weakening American–Israeli alliance is the growing reliance of parts of the American political system on Christian Zionist support. This represents a narrowing of the alliance’s base.
Christian Zionism is rooted in a literalist reading of the Bible and an apocalyptic understanding of history. At its theological core, it is not a pro-Jewish doctrine but a framework in which Jewish sovereignty serves a Christian eschatological narrative. The ultimate horizon of that narrative is not Jewish continuity, but conversion or destruction. Its support for Israel is therefore instrumental, embedded in a prophecy-driven vision of the end of days.
The Alliance’s Foundation Has Eroded
The American–Israeli alliance was strongest when it rested on two pillars: broad American public support and affinity for Israel on the one hand, and the perception that the alliance served U.S. interests and advanced American goals on the other. Today, we may be witnessing a rapid unraveling of that foundation. Israel is no longer viewed as positively in the United States as it once was. The destruction of Gaza has left many Americans either opposed to Israel or ambivalent toward it. The war with Iran is widely seen as not clearly advancing core U.S. interests.
The two pillars that have supported the alliance since 1967 have begun to crack. Alliances endure when they command wide civic legitimacy; they weaken when they become tied to polarizing leaders, partisan identity, or narrowing ideological bases. What was made through the convergence of perception and interest may now be coming undone through misalignment.
(this article first appeared on EgyptianStreets.
Saturday, June 03, 2023
The Wisdom of A Disgraced Man
Reading Richard Nixon’s In The Arena, was an interesting experience for me. Growing up in Egypt and seeing Nixon come to Egypt in the early 1970’s and literally help Egypt out of the Soviet orbit made me like him. When Nixon resigned in August 1974, I was just 14; I didn’t know much about the cultural wars of the 1960’s, Watergate didn’t mean much to me, I only viewed Nixon from the eyes of an Egyptian boy. Today, in my sixties and having left Egypt a year after Nixon resigned and spent most of my life in the US, I’m on the opposite political spectrum of Nixon. While I continue to lean right on issues of Defence and some economic issues, I’m on the liberal left on some economic and most social issues.
Still, I found these Nixon memoirs fascinating and moving in terms of his journey from the greatest heights to complete disgrace and his ability to build back a productive meaningful life after leaving the White House. There is plenty of regrets and contrition over his role in Watergate, but it’s mostly of the type I should have been firmer, there is some of the I never ordered, my predecessors did worse, I didn’t know and the media this and that. Once there was a clear cut acceptance of the blame of not having set the right moral tone. I felt some sympathy but I suspect it’s carryover from my boyhood admiration.
After few early chapters on Watergate and some interesting history of his “wilderness” years, following loss to JFK in 1960 and loss of California governor race in 1962, the book is mainly made of short chapters on various fascinating topics ranging from his views on religion, to stories about his wife and parents, to stories about his rise in Congress, winning the Senate in 1950 and fascinating stories of his meetings with Mao and Li and later following Tienman Square with Deng Chao Peng.
There is plenty of wisdom from Nixon’s life and those he admired the most like Churchill, DeGaul and others. I especially enjoyed some of his saying on various topics. These include: you may not lose what you have if you don’t risk, you certainly can’t win more without risk, small people seek office to make something out of themselves while great people seek office to achieve something and of course several sayings on failure and not defining oneself by failure. Several of the sayings may come across as cliché, but from Richard Nixon, they came across as wisdom gained from an incredible lifetime of trials, successes, failures, or as he learnt from a friend life is made up of 99 chapters.
Sunday, July 31, 2016
Islam: The Truth, Not the Facts!
Ayman S. Ashour
This article first appeared on Egyptian Streets.
Sunday, June 28, 2015
Marriage Equality and the Supreme Court
Thursday, February 12, 2015
On Hate Crimes, War Crimes and Terrorism
Words and classifications help us understand the many events before us. In the Middle East especially, words are of extreme importance and people often get stuck on words as we attempt to make sense of a the chaos that has become the norm the region is living through. The word terrorist is used to describe violence, that many times people identify with its perceived causes. The Palestinian struggle for freedom and dignity, along with the underlying hate for Israel and racist hate of Jews often expressed as hate for Zionism but not Jews, are primary examples where millions of people find the label terrorist applied to acts they either understand, justify or actively support.Was the Chapel Hill tragedy terrorism? Linguistically speaking because it frightens people, for it is terrifying indeed to see people getting killed, so in a way we can see the link to the word terror. Yes it aimed to terrify the Muslim and Arab American community of course, so there can be an argument for application of the terrorist label. However, I see the label Hate Crime, here, carrying far more weight than terrorism, for in terrorism the choice of victims is often arbitrary, accidental where, the very deliberate nature of this heinous crime was no accident. An hate crime, the deliberate selection of three beautiful young people at the prime of their lives, this is hate, in its worst and ugliest form, perpetrated by a human being whose heart and brain were blinded with bigotry. The ugly killer did not aim to change government policy, nor did he have an obvious political goal, he simply aimed to exterminate those he hated. This is a hate crime and to call it anything else would lessen its ugliness.
Ayman S. Ashour
Sunday, January 11, 2015
Je suis Charlie
Saturday, August 31, 2013
The Muddle East
Tuesday, July 02, 2013
On Eve of Morsi's departure, what's going on in Egypt!
Morsi does not want to resign and admit mistakes, because Muslim Brotherhood makes no mistakes and prefer to have his kids, his followers, all believe that only a small minority of the people of Egypt was against Ikhwan and that the Army and the Americans forced him out, so he can then be a victim and start rebuilding Islamist popularity and credibility again as victims of American Zionism and army etc. etc.
The army in Egypt just wants to have peaceful life and make money, they don't care too much about US Aid, which is only $1Billion and all of it gets spent on US arms, much more important for them is their budgets in Egypt, the amazing control they have over land, industry, trade, etc. etc. The army does NOT want to run the country, does not want wars or trouble, they just want to get on with free entreprise, make money.
Islamist masses mainly want to keep their womenfolk under their control and away from any possible dishonor and of course they enjoy seeing Christians and minorities suffer a bit, other than that, they want cars, iPads and sex in that order!
AA
July 2, 2013
Saturday, April 27, 2013
My Boston Marathon
I run past Cleveland Circle for a long three miles, strong
cold headwind made me feel very chilled, but I kept going, crowds had thinned
out, but they were still rooting for us, cheering us on. Finally I passed
Fenway and it was not as windy and much more crowded again, then a turn to the
right followed by turn to left on to Boylston Street, I run stronger, the Boston
Library on my right, I saw my wife standing on the left side of the street, my
son is cheering wildly and my daughter shouting Papa! … I run past the finish
line four hours and forty some minutes after I started.AA
April 27, 2013












